1st Vermont Cavalry
MemoirsPvt. Mark M. Wheeler
1st Vermont Cavalry, Co. D
Mark Wheeler was a 22-year-old Peacham farmer when he enlisted in November 1861. He served in the First Vermont Cavalry, fought in battles at Bull Run, Gettysburg, Cold Harbor and numerous other skirmishes. He was part of the Wilson-Kautz Raid in June 1864 and was taken prisoner in at Stony Creek, Va. on June 29, 1864. He spent five months in four different Confederate prisons. The worst was the Confederate prison at Andersonville in Georgia where he was for four months until October 1864. He was paroled in November 1864 and returned to Peacham in December. Twenty-five years after the war, Wheeler wrote his memoir about his war and prison experiences. He spent the rest of his life telling his story and promoting patriotism.
Biographical InformationBorn in Marshfield, Vt. , Feb. 18, 1839
Son of James and Sophia Gilman Wheeler (fourth child of nine)
Moved to Peacham, Vt. in 1850s
Married Elizabeth "Lizzie" Clark on Nov. 8, 1861Civil War Service
Enlisted Nov. 12, 1861 into Vermont 1st Cavalry Company D
Mustered out Nov. 19, 1861
Wheeler was a private in the Vt. 1st Regiment Cavalry Co. D. Involved in 60 engagements including Cold Harbor, Gettysburg, Spotsylvania and Bull Run
Re-enlisted Feb. 23, 1864
Captured by Confederate Forces at Stony Creek, Va. while on the Wilson-Kautz Raid, June 29, 1864
Served Time in Confederate Prisons: Salisbury Prison in North Carolina; Richland District Jail in Columbia, South Carolina; Andersonville Prison, Georgia; and Florence Stockade in South Carolina
Entered Andersonville Prison in Andersonville, Georgia, July 6, 1864
Removed from Andersonville, October 1864
Paroled to Union Forces, Nov. 30, 1864
Returned home to Peacham, Vt., December 1864
Spent the rest of war at Sloan General Hospital in Montpelier, Vt.
Transferred to Company C, June 21, 1865
Discharged July 26, 1865Life after Civil War
Returned home and farmed on East Hill, Peacham, Vt.
1868: Mark co-founded X.C. Stevens Post of Grand Army of Republic of Barnet & Peacham. Also served as chaplain
1890: wrote his 110-page memoir about his war and prison experiences in Andersonville
40 years a member and supporter of Methodist Episcopal Church in Peacham
Co-organizer of Relief Corps
Spoke at schools, post meetings and in town about his war and prison experiences
1890: wrote his Memoir
Moved to East Peacham Village, 1906
Died March 10, 1916.Family History:
1st wife Lizzie Clark m. 1861, died 1875; Children: Elwin, 1862; Amy 1865 (died 1882)
2nd wife Laura Adams m. 1877, died 1882; Children: Harvey, 1877, Clyde 1881, Jude (b. 1882, d. 1882)
3rd wife Carrie White m. 1884; survived Mark.History of Pvt. Mark Wheeler's Memoir
Written in 1890, Mark Wheeler's account starts with the Wilson-Kautz Raid and ends with his return to Peacham at the end of December 1864. After his death, the original manuscript was kept by his eldest son, Elwin, who gave it to his father's friend and fellow veteran, John Farrow. It was handed down to Mary Farrow Moore, John's daughter and then she passed it on to her son Francis and his wife Earlene Moore. Wheeler's memoir was read in local classrooms and family gatherings.
The original Wheeler manuscript was donated to the Peacham Historical Association by Francis and Earlene Moore. The original consists of 55 two-sided, loose, handwritten pages, measuring 51/8 inches in width and 7½ inches in length. In 2009, the PHA received a grant from the Vermont Humanities Council and the National Endowment for Humanities to have the original document conserved by M.J. Davis of WASHI of West Burke, Vt., and also digitally scanned by Northeast Documentation Conservation Center, Andover, Mass.
The electronic images of Mark Wheeler's manuscript are available at peachamhistorical.org.NOTE TO READERS OF TRANSCRIPTION:
The transcribed text preserves Mark Wheeler's misspellings, grammar and editing marks with minimal editorial intrusion. The text version retains the page breaks, but it does not provide a line-by-line transcription. Words divided at the end of a line are transcribed with the dash as used in the original. In a few cases of challenging misspellings, the inferred word or correct place name are supplied in brackets as superscripts. Brackets are also used to supply missing letters and words or to expand confusing abbreviations. Since the manuscript lacks punctuation, three spaces are inserted for easier reading to indicate breaks in the stream of thought and to mark the end of a sentence. Endnotes provide background information about places, people or events described in the manuscript.
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Mark M. Wheeler
Co. D 1 st regt. Vt Cav.
after 25 years
since the warI thought I would write what I past through while a prisoner of war I was taken prisoner June 29, 1864 at Stoney Creek Station Va it was while on Wilson raid we left camp near Petersburg June 21, 1864 to destroy the South Side railroad the emiy tried to stop us but we repulsed then and distroid the railroad from foards [Ford’s Depot] to Black-s and whites [Black and White’s Depot] in the after noon the 23. we had a hard fight near nottoway station my regt. was at the frount all2after noon our regt held the railroad the rebels made several desperate charges to drive us from it. our regt made a charge on a rebel battery result-ed in driving the emimy from their guns but before we could spiked or dragged away the guns[1] the rebls made a counter charge upon our flan-k compelling us to fall back to the railroad whitch was held all night the next moning we started for the Danville road whitch we struck at meherrin station the remainder of this day and the next day was spent in distroying the traack from the Junction to the little roanoke the bridge across the river was destroyed all of the mills along the rout was distroid some
3of whitch contained a large amount of grain and cotton & tobacco we found the people abundantly suplied with the necessaries of life hams bacon corn wheat and flour hundreds of bushels of corn we would find at a singal place to feed the horses of the whole command the people are well supplied before daybreak Sunday June 26 we started on our return we marched south through Christian-ville then took an easterly course passing through greenburg lewisville lawenceville smorky & ordnary about noon of the 28 we crossed the nottaway [Nottoway River] and was nearing Stoney Creek Station when we found a strong rebel force in our front we were all hoping to reach our lines by moring we hade done the rebls
4more harme then any other raiding party and thus far had met with little loss besides the property we had destroyed we were brining away over a thoissand Negroes men women and children[2] the rebels had a powerful force in our front our regt was orded to the frount the men dism-ounted and comence to building breastworks[3] very soon the rebels charged our skirmish line and my regt. was orded up to surpot it
the firing was very heavy duing the entire evineng and at times during the night Just before day light our bregade fell back a peace three regt. of whitch ours was one ware to keep back the emiy while the rest of the command past to the left our men were dismounted building
5a line of breastworks in the woods the horses hear in a field a few rods to the rear Just after day light the rebls came on to the attack upon our lines steady and coolly thair ranks moved up to our front as they approach-ed the breastworks our men took biliberate [deliberate] aim and pourd an effectual fire into there ranks had the rebles force all been in frount very different would have been the result with a force larger then our own they came in upon either flank. our men were forced to fall back simultaneosly with the attack upon the men the rebels came upon the horses and those holding them only saved them by hurrying them
toof by the road to the left the6rebels came down upon this road thus cutting off our men from all support and leaving them no line of retreat here it was that so many were captured I can not discribe the feailing when we found that we had got to surender to the rebels they came on to us like a lot of wild Indans they wanted to butcher us they robed us of all we had money hats and clothings and was not saturfide with that I had seen a great many rebels before they more like wild beasts then any things elce when they had got through with us we had not mutch left they marched us back over the field where we fought the night before the ground
7was coverd with wounded and killed it look as though they had lost more then double that we did they marched us back to Stony Creek Station we had not had any thing to eat since the night before they did not offer to give us any thing to eat in the after noon they put us aboard off a train and started us toared the south we could not find whair they was goin to take us the first night we stayed in welden north Carlonia we did not get any thing to eat till the next moning we had just began to relise what we had got to came to we ware a strong lot of men Thaire was over two hundred men
8Salisburg[4]
taken how little we reilised what we had got to pass through after they given us some corn bread they marched us to deapot and put us aboard of the train and that night we arrived at Salisbury prison I
mwill now give you a glimps of Salisbury prison as we entrd in through the gait what a seen met our eyse men with hardly any clothing and what they had on was all in rags. we could hardly beleave they could be so reducred so low they began to inquire about the war they had not had any nuse only what the rebels had given them they told our men that the United States had deserted then and had left them to thair fate and they could not be blamed9if they would desert and fight against a country that would not exchange them knowing when exchange was refused that it meant starvation and death as the Confederacy had nothing to feed them with and told our men if they would enlist in thair army they would clothe them comfortably and give them plenty to eat many brave men of many nations have done deeds for whitch thair names have been handed down in history for us to admire but none have ever exceled the union soldier whous honor and loyalty was put to the test of a rebel military prison in the south
fromfirmfor the cause unto death whitch was preferable to liberty and dishonor as a diserter but few men ever deserteds the union10armey the prisoner were so sorly afficted and at the time of my departure they too like the humins [human] victims
of the penwere shorn of their vitality and strength and stood [like]bare and unsightly trunks. the surface of the ground that was coverd with green grass was also completely changed shelters put up in all kinds of conceivable shape I supose to suit the materil they had at hand and besides these the surface[5] was pierced with inumerable holes thair was also all kinds of old ragged tents put up in irreguler order and presenting any thing but a military aspect the reader can now imagine for himself what kind of a picture Salisbury prison would present suley not11very attractive imagine this picture if you can and then people it with sick ragged and sarving men who could be seen some of them slowly tottering and dragging across the pen only waiting to die their only hope of liberty and then ask your self if the
Government can ever repay the survivors or even do them Justi-cecancan there be a price even approaching recompense for survace and suffing such as the union prisoners of war suffered and endured in the rebels prison pen of the South the party that I was with had now [no] blankets or tents we had to lay on the ground it was almost imposible to eat the raitions that we received and not half anough of that12we was thair two nights and then we was taken out and put aboard the train we was put into box cars as many as they could get in they put into each car a barel of watter drawn out of thair watter tanks poor slimy stuff it made most of us sick it was so warm in the cars that we could harddly stand it it brought the Diarrohea to most all of the men we road all day and night and the next day we arived at Clombia[6] on the forth of July we were taken out of the cars and marched to the prison they then give us somthing to eat I shal always remember one circumstance thair was a union man come in to prison to see us he told us to write some letters and
13Andersonvill
he would see that they would be sent through the lines how glad we was to have the priviagle [privilege] to write toour loved ones at home that was the only letters that my wife received from me after I was taken prisoner although I rote several little did those at home relise what we had to pass through I do not think there is 20 alive to day that was taken prisoner when I was the next moning we were all taken out and put aboard the train and then for the first time we found out our destination the rebs told us that we ware goin to Anders-onvill we had herd off the place but did not think it could be any worse then other prison on the six of July we arived at Andersonvill they took us out
14of the cars and marched us to the prison when we got to the prison Capt. Wertz[7] or the old dutch Capt. as we us [used] to call him came to see us and orded us all schertched the guard went through our pockets any one that had any thing that was worth any thing they took it from us he told us that if we refuse to be schearched he would cut our heads off with his sabbor I had in my pocket a
pictarpictuar of my wife and baby I refuse to give it up finally they let me keep it it gave me great plasure to have it to look at after they had scharched us all they wanted to they took our names Co and regt. and then marched us through the gait15into prison as soon as we got into the prison the prisones colleted around us to get the nuse and to see if they had any one that belong to thair regt. almost the first qustain that they ask was is if our government was not goin to exchange soon we told them we did not know but we hope so the first thought that enterd our minds was can this be in hell it seems as though thair could not be a worst place ever in the futher punish-ment as we look upon the suffing men with hardly any thing to cover thair nakerness
barebair footed with out hats or caps and but faew that had any shelter16for months I found two of my Co. thair that had been prisoners a year how they had ever lived s [o] long I do not know they both died in a short time after I got thair the prisoners told us to look out for the dead line[8] if we reached our hands over the dead lines the rebels would shoot us that we had got to be very caffall the rebels told us we would have to find our own place to camp thair did,nt seems a [s] though thair was any place for us evry place was auctpide we was all connted of [counted off] in squads of 90. and a sergent to each 90 men he had to draw
ofthe ration for his 9017our ration at that time was corn bread mad from corn and cob meal and small peice of meat thair was not any more then anough for one meel a day it did not seem as men could live on so small a rations but it was all they could get as we looked over the camp or bull pen as we use to call it thair was inclosed about 26 acres in side of the Stockade the dead line was about 20 feet from the stockade so that it took up about 5 or 6 acres of land thair was a swamp through the senter of the camp or near the senter that took up 4 acres more this was the single place wheair the men went[9]
18a more filthy place I never saw the stench was so bad that we could hardly pas by it all along the side of it men ware oblige to camp I do not know how men ever lived thair a week men ling arround on the ground with out tents or blankets coverd with filth alive with lice the ground was coverd with lice and in the night thair was Millions of mosketo to draw the last drop of blood it was a continly warfair to keep those pest away men had come so reduce that they could not keep them from devouring them I have seen men that was so bitten by those mosketo that thair hands and feet
19and face was soswolen they could hardley see
thatthe first day I was thair I found a Uncle of mine[10] he was one of the first to enter into that prison pen and invited me to camp with him he was thair when they inlarged the stockade and had move-d on to the new ground and took his place beside a large stump whitch I shal speek about father along. when we arived at Andersonvill they were having the trial of the raders[11] them raiders were a set of black lege[12] that had been let out of prison to go into the armey and was soon taken prisoner thair plan of opiration was to find out if any of the new comers had any money and then20watch where they sayed nights and then kreep up to them and stab them and rob them they had pawled it for along time till the prisoners formed a large police force[13] and station men around the camp after a while they capturd six of the leaders and had them tried for murd-er the Jourry was taken from men that had Just come in they had a Judge and layers on both sides they had trial of several days after the evidence was all in the layers began thair plea we had good layers thair they made as strong a plea as they do hear in our country corts after the layers had got throught
21the Judge charged the Juror and they retiard to give thair [v]erdict in a short time they brought in a erdict of murdder in the first degree while they was having thair trial Capt. Wertz sent in word if they found them guilty he would take them and put them under guard and keep them till our men could build a scafould to hang them and soon as they received thaire erdict they sent word to the Capt. and he sent in a strong guard and took them out side and then sent in a load of lumber to build the scafoald with our men went to work and soon had it reddy they was to
22hung
hangedon the 12 at noon the murders thought our men did not dair to hang them the scafold was arange to hang the six at once on the 12 at noon the rebells brought them in and when they saw the galos they saw that they life was short our police had a strong guard around the scafould the rebels marched them into the ring and turned them over to our men the leader was a powful man he brock through the poleice and tried to escape but a number of poliece started for him and took him back and marched them upon the scafoald after a short pray they placed the roap around thair necks and drew the black cap down overoferthair facies each man had his hands23tied be hind him and then the guard steped back and in a momet the drop fell one of the mens roap brock whair I stood it was nearly twenty rods from the scafoald but I could hear the man beggin for his life but they marched him back to the scaffoald and put the roap around his neck and pushed him of it was the first time I ever saw a man hang and I hope it will be the last time that night they was taken out and bared [buried] and we did not have any more trouble we had a small poliece force to keep order if they caught any one steeling they were punish some one we [way] or another
24the most cruil of any thing was to buck and gag them[14] and leave them two or three hours at times they sufferd taribley they could not help them selfes any but had to lay in the hot sun with hundrds of flies on thair face and then I have seen them turned on thair fasces and then give them so many lashes with the cat and nine tail[15] the cat and nine tail was made of nine raw hides lashes tierd on a handle about two feet long evry blow they strock the blood spert from the men it seem wicked but thair had to be order if it thairhad not been any order the week one would not have
25any thing to eat
or werethair was nowtrouble if evry one minded his own buisness at the time I arivd thair thair was great suffing a mong the men for want of watter the watter we had was what we get from the brook that rann through the stock-ade the rebels camp was above our camp and we had to take all of the filth from their camp the watter that rann through our camp rann through the swamp thair was not hardly any fall to drean of[16] the filth thair was a thick scum on th top of the watter all of the time the only place we could get any watter that we could drink was near26the dead line I know that the watter had more to do with the sickniss in camp then any thing elce most all of the men had the chronic diarrhea and scurvey I have seen men with thair legs and feet so swolen that they would burst open and the flies would get into the sores and soon the mggots would be seen in the sorse I have seen as murc [much]
theiras a pint taken out of thair lege at times what a relaif it was for those when they died and was taken out and placed in the dead ditch as the camp began to be more crowed evry day with fresh arival of prisoner every day brought from 100 to 300 hundred in to our prison27by the last of
AugustJuly we had 33 thousand men in the prison we was so croaded thar was not hardley room to ley down in goin back and forth through the camp we had to step over men lying on the ground and evry moning passing throgh the camp I would see men laying around on the grond dead and some aliving what a sight met our eyes I have seen men laying on the ground alive with mggets craling out and in thair mouths and ears and eyes the swamp near whair they camped the ground was coverd with a living mass of mggets you could see the whole 4 acres in mothing [motion] with magets and those that camped near had to fight28them to keep them back what a sight to see men so reduce that they could not keep them back we would avrage from 100 to 150 a day of the dead that use to be carried to the gait to be taken out and barried the rebels had a gang of niggroes to work all of the time caring out and clerring they would drive in a dead cart and then the nigroes would take them buy thair legs and arms and swing them into the cart as may as they could get on and then go out to the bearing ground and take them out and return and get another load those that had friends would pin on to thair close thair name and regt I do not think
29thair one in a hundred that could find where thair freinds were buared as I saw so maney of our men carried out I did [not] know how soon my turn would com I had th chronic diarrhea so bad that I grew week very fast but my corrage was good I use to tell the rebels that they wood never have the priviagle of carring me out our men us [used] to try to escape through tunels they would work night after night digging tunels thair plan was to start a tunel near the dead line under some tent and at first would spread the dirt aroung on the ground as mutch as they dair to and then dig a hole big anough to pack the dirt so as to leave a place large anough
30to croll through sometimes it would take three or four weeks to get through when they came to the stockade they had to go deep enough to get under the stockade the stock-ade was set in the ground six feet and run up about 20 feet high after they had got under the stockade they would dig gradley up toared the surface as soon as they got so that they could punch a stick up through the ground they would then return and wait for a dark night and they would let thair friends know and would start and try to get away but fuew ever got away evry moning the rebels would take a gang of blood hounds and go around the stockade we could always
31tell when any one had escaped the hounds would make the most unearthly nois and before night they would have the prson back once in a while one or two wood escape as soon as they had got back to prison they would go back to work on another tunel in some other part of the ground some of the prisones was put in the stocks and some had to were a ball and chain fasten to thair ancle the stocks was made of plank fited into upright standerds that had holes cut through the plank for your hands and feet and head they would rais the plank and put your feet and hands & head through the plank and then shet them together and leave your exposed
32to the sun all the day it was terable the flies an mas-quito would almost eat you up the men could not stur nor move some would die authers would live through it but I do not know how they did when the rebels took them out of the stocks thair hands & feet & faces wood be swolen so that they could not see out of thari eyes others would be brock back nearly torn to peaces by the blood hounds the only way that they could escape out of thar way was to climb trees and those that could not get into trees the blood hounds wou-ld tear some to pieces before the rebels could get up
33when any prisoner got out the rebels would not give us any thing to eat till they had found the tunnel and had it filled up may times we would have to go two days with [out] any thing to eat and we did not get any more at first we got corn bread after a while they would give us corn cob meal one pint a day when we could get any wood to cook it but many had to eat it raw the rebels
wouldwould give us one four foot stick of wood a day for 90 men to be divied into 90 pieces it made a small piece of wood to make a fire with we use to dig the stumps and roots out of the ground the land that we was on was new land the34rebels had cut the timber of to build the stockade the timber was pitch pine and it made a good fire every root was dug out of the ground four feet deap the stump that my uncle and I camped beside give us wood while I was in prison about once a week we would get a mess of beans that we would not give to our sheep they was a small black bean and every bean had from one to three bugs eat into them thair whole bigness we use to cook them bugs and all and glad to get some fresh meat for it was the only fresh meat we had while in prison in a half a pint of beans thair wood be as mutch
35as two table spons full of bugs I have had may ask me how they tasted I told them that they tasted a little pepery but not very bad they want to know why I did [not] take them out I told them that we could not ford to lose all of the best of the bean when we cook them when the watter
wouldbegan to get hot the bugs wouldkick out of the beans but they could not get away for we had them safe they had to answer for pepper and salt & meat so you see that we some times had extrys some times we wood not get them quite dun or some of thing had been dead to long36they wood not cook tender when we eat
onthem they would crack in our teeth like raison seeds I have seen men ravin crazzy for want of somtime [something] to eat they would crall down to the swamp when they could not walk and pick up beans that had not ben digested and eat them how many times I have wished that Jeff Davis[17] & Capt. Wertz and others leaders were ablige to suffer the same as our men did thair was a Irish man in thair said that he would like to feed Jeff Davis three month on half rasion & then see how him look and then feed him on quarters raishon three months37more and then see how him look & then three months more on nothing and see how him look the last three months was about the way our men look. the first of Aug. it was hot and dry the brook that run through the stock-ade had dried up so that but a small stream runn through the camp it began to look as if we would not have watter long the watter in our barnyards whair it had settle into holes was as pure as the watter that we got in prison the suffing was so great that it did not seem as though men could live any time with out better watter one night I herd singing
38I went to the place and thair I saw a larg gething of prisoners they were holding a pray meeting I stad and listend to them for a long time thair praye was that god would relive [relieve] thair suffing and these meetings continuing evry night for some time I was not a christan at that time and I did not see how god could releive the suffing but still I wish-ed thair prays would be answ-erd sutch pleading at the throne of grace I never have herdbefore or since watter seemed to be thair united pleading that god would send better watter to releive the great suffing in camp about the 7 & 8 of aug. we had one of the hevest thunder storms that I ever saw it seem to come down in
39sheets of watter in a short time the small brook that runn through the stock-ade rose so fast that the holes cut through the stockade could not let the watter through and began to rise very fast up against the stockade thair was a large valley above us and the only place for the watter was to pass through the camp in a short time the watter was to the top of the stock-ade as the watter rose
clockedso fast that the stockade gave away and the watter rushed through the camp and those that camped near the swamp had to runn for thair lives some that could not help them self was drowned before thair40friends could help them as the watter sweped through the camp and struck the stockade on the lower side it gave away the watter sweped the swamp clean of all the filth I believe that god sent that rain to change the camp when the stockade gave away the prisoners began to chear what a shout went up from the prisoners the rebels came out with thair whole force and artlly to stop our men from get out they told our men if they a temped to get out they would open on them with thair whole force they had two large forts near each end of the stockade so they could pour grape and canster[18] into the camp
41the rebels threw a few shels over our
acamp to stop our boys from cheering but they could not for every time they thrue a shell over the camp the boys would chear the louder as soon as the watter went down they put a large force of Nigroes to repair the stockade it took them all night to repair it I never saw a place that was so thourly cleneysed it thourly clense every part of the camp the men had to lay in thair wet close but they were use to it many a night while I was a prisoner I lay down on the ground with my close so wet that you could ring out watter out of them with out shelter or blanket for five months42how men could endure so mutch I do not know one moning soon after the rain as I was passing along near the west
northside of the camp I saw a number of men standing near the dead line aboat half way down to the swamp I went up to them and saw what they was looking at thair was a stream of watter runing down betwene the stockade and dead line and some of the men got some short poles and tied a cup on to the end of them and reached over the dead line and diped up some watter it was the best watter that I ever tasted while in the south after a few days the rebels let some of our men go out and dig out a spout and run the43watter under the dead line what a rush thair was for the watter thair was scutch a croud that you could not hardly get up to the watter we hade to put on a pleice man on make evry man fall into line and stay in the line till your turn came I had a quart cup and all I had to do was to drop my cup under the stream and it would fill in a instance the stream of watter was as large as a mans arm great was the mistry how the spring came to break out in that dry side hill and some would ask why it did not break out in camp insted of where it did I do not think it could have been in a better place
44for the reasing that know one could get to the head of the spring to rile the watter I never drinked any better watter while I was in the survace then the watter that came from that spring I know that this watter saved hundreds of lives and I beleave it saved mine for it seemed to give me now life I have had may ask about the spring and what I thought caused it to break out thair I do not think thair is a man that can tell the cause but I do be-leave that it was the over ruling power of god I beleave that it was the answer to those prayes in prison and further more I know that god dos answer pray
45for I have prawed him in my own case I wish the world had more faith in god and to day after more than 24 years I rejoice that I am able to write out these few lines that who-eve has the privagle of reading thes few lines of mine may know that I have found that savior who is able to save and who is able to cary us safly through all of the trials an temptation of this life and to give us life ever lasting in the wold to com for some time after the spring brock out the men seemed better in health many would giv up and would soon die I never new a prisoner to live long after
46they give up some would get over the dead line on purpos to be shot and some wood be we craisey and runn away from thair friends and Jump over the dead line the rebels wood shuit them or any one that reached his hand over the dead line I was standing on the bridge one day before the spring brock out wating for one of our men to came up out of the brook the bridge whair I stod was about three feet from the dead line and above the bridge we could get clear watter the man reached his hand under the dead line the rebels guard shot him through the head I help to take him out of the brook how I
47whised I had a gun I do not think he would ever have another privagle of shooting another man Just as soon as they had shot any one they would take him of and put another guard in his place if they kiled a man they got a thirty days furlow and if they only wounded
the manthey got fifteen days most every man that they shot they kiled. great was the rejoicing one day when we heard that Killpatric[19] was with in ten miles of camp the nose [news] was broug-ht in by some prisoner the nose spred through the camp in a few minets the rebels when our men began to chear thought our menbegan to chearwas goin to try and break48out and through a few shell over the camp to let us know that they was reddy for us it prove to be a falce alarm all thou
Rkillpatric did try to get thair but he did not have force anough and had to give it up how we wished he had aclompice his obgit a short time after this we herd hevey firing a short distance from camp we thought surelly that our army was cuming but it proved to be a sham fight that the rebels was having about four miles from camp thair was a lot of Sothening geltiman and laides came to see the yankey49prisoner after the sham fight they came to the camp near anough to look into the prison we could see the laides pointing thair finger at us and a laugh in I do not see how they could enjoy looking at us. we wished they had ben oblge to come in and borded with us for a few days and see how they would like it I think thair would be a diffance to thair tune. every few days the rebels would report that we would soon be exchange we soon learned that it was a rebel lie some times we would get a rebel papper they would be full of thair great vicures over
50our army but the new prisoners said that our army won most evry battle and we lived on those hopes that we should soon be released the rebels Sergents that came in evry moning to count the prisones to see if any had died or had escaped if any had died or got away they would fill up with new prisones so as to keep thair nigty[20] full these rebels sergents would bring in some thing to traid with our boys they would bring in tobacco and exchange it for the buttens on our blouses or coat I could get a large piece of tobaco for one button they wanted
ofto by all of the green backs[21] they could get they would give 5 for one of thair money but few51had any greenbanks to sell some had some money that they had hid in thair close if any one had any money he was lucky you could by a pint of flour for one dollar and you could get one seed potatoe for two scents of thair money thair was a rebel suttler[22] in camp that use to sell flour & sweet potatoes & most all kinds of vetagble how my mouth use to watter for a tast of those fruits if our men could have had one good sise potatoe it would don them more good then any other meidican those that had any money could get a few potatoes and it help to keep away the skervey and those that had know money
52had to suffer with the Skurvey. I have had ma[n]y ask what we use to do for exiser the first thing in the moning was as soon as the sun got up was to fall into line on the skirm-ish line and then we would open with our whole force the plan of attack was to pull of our shirts and turn them rong side out and the aminishing [ammunition] that we use was our two thumbs we would go down one seam and up another and s [o] back and forth till thair was not a single gray back[23] left it was the greatest slauter of gray backs[24] that I ever saw we would kill thousand in one single skirmish and this Slater took place evry day and those that neglicted of kill of the lice
wewoodbe eat up a live53the last of august our men had to larg tunnel dug in the camp one was nearest to the fort and the other nerast to the rebels camp they had dug to the clockade and then dug along the in side of the stockade for a road[25] or more and had packed the dirt back so that a larg force could rush against it and push it over we had three large forces orgnize to break through and capture the rebel camp one party was to charge on the fort and another on the rebel camp and another on the deapot whair the rebels had a lot of arms a annation [and ammunition] evry thing had been pland to start about midnight I do not know what scucess
54our men would had the last day had arived to make the atempe we had one trator in camp that told the rebels of the tunnel and the rebels sent in a large forse in to camp to fill up the tunel I never saw men that was so mad so mad in my life every one tried to get hold of him thair was sutch a rush for him that I could not get very near him some said that he was killed and other said that the rebels took him out of prison but one thing I do know that thair was never a meaner man ever lived if our men had failed it would have been a great deal worse for
55the prisoner and some times I have thought it could not been mutch worse for they had to die a linging death the weeks one could not get away they would have to stay and starve to death Andersonvill was in one of the worst places it could be put in was in a valley
hairwhairthe wind could not strack it is was so warm thair that unless you cep you feet covred up the sun would burn you-r feet to a blister it did seem as we could live throug-h the day and after the sun went down the night was cold that we would benearly frozenchild through after the rebels had fild up the last tunnel they56comence to build a line of stockade out side about tow or three and had got it most don when I left in Oct. while I was thair I rote a number letters but they never got home I do not think that one in ten thousand aver was mailed althoe the rebels told us that they would send them thair use to be a larg lot of letters that use to come for us but few ever got into the prison I have said in this sketch that thairwas never a meaner man then the one that told about the tunnel but I will take that back for thair was one and that was the old Dutch Capt. Capt. Wertz he was the most brutish man that I ever saw or ever heard
57of he delited to see our men murded and shot down he had to pay the penilty on the galoss[26] and Jeff Davis ought to have been hung up beside of him. before I leave andersonvill I will make a draft of it
[Text on the Lefthand Side of Sketch: “the rebels gaurd had stairs on the outside that went up to the top of the stockade and thay stood on a platform with in two”]
[Text on the Righthand Side of Sketch: “feet of the top of the stockade I think thair must have been fifty or more on guard at one time”]
[Text on the Sketch itself (top to bottom): fort, rebel suttler, brook, swamp, bridge, deadline, fort, south gait, gait, spring, spout, north gait, gait]
58about the middle of oct. I went to my 90 to draw my ration and as soon as they had give out our rations the rebels counted us of in two ranks and giv the order right face and marched us out of the gait we did not know what they was goin to do with us they told us that we was goin to be paroled we hated to go and not see our friends again I had a uncle that I would like to have bid good by that was the last time I ever saw him for he soon died after I lift it was the only disire that I ever had to go back was to bid my friends good by some of them lived to come home other died thair what a sean we was leaving behind It canot
59never be half told I have not told half that could be told of the suffing in that prison pen the rebels marched us to the deapot and put us into box cars that had been use to cary cattle in and had not been cleand but we had seen so mutch filth that the cars was clean and healthly beside the prison we had Just left as we moved of from the deapot we took our last look of andersonvill it seemed good to be out in the open cuntry once more the rebels told us that they was goin to take us to Charlston [South Carolina] to parole us we arive at Charlston the next day and they took out of the cars and march-ed us out into a large
60field they had a furrow plowed around a large piece of grond to mark the dead line and the rebels stood on the out side of the furrow we did not have any fence around us we was guarded by the Georgia Troops they was the best soldier that guard us while I was a prisoner we was about half a mile from the citty
townout toard the bay we could hear Githman battry[27] evry fifteen minuts thaey was out on the bay five mils from the citty and was throwing three & five hundred shells into the city evry fifteen minuts night & day in the night I like to see them pass over our camp or nearly over us once in a while one would burst in the air and the61pieces of the shel would fall into our camp I do [not]think any one was hert by the schels but it made sad work in the citty evry day & night we would see the smoke and hear the fire alarm calling out the fire department to put out the fire how we wished we could get to our lines but we could not we mite as well ben twenty miles away from thair for all the good it dun us some of the men would run the guard in the night and try to get away the
Officrebels Officers came into our camp one day and told our men if they would inlist in thair armey they would give them a new suit of close and plenty to eat and they62wood not have to fight any they wanted them to do guard duity and they perswaided 50 to inlist and took them out into the citty and drest them up in a new suit of close and gave them the best of ration after a day or two they took them down to the bay and put them on picket[28] and that night they got a nigro to get a flat boat[29] and run it clost to the shore and forty out of the 50 got aboard and cross the bay to our battry how mad the rebels was the took the other 10 back to camp and took away thair close and give them thair old close I was near the line whair they took them into camp the rebels said they would never trust another yankey the rebels gave
63us better foodwhile we was hear they give some rice and fauer [flour] & molesses & meat and some times they would give us some hard bread if it could have been more in quality but the whole would not make only our meal a day the Cathlick priest & nun ust to came out evry day and bring some tobacho and ginger bread and through it into camp when the boys saw them coming they would get as near the dead line as they daired to when they through any into the line what a scrable thair would be they would be pild up 3 x 4 deep one time I got two pieces of tobaco that was my bigest hall I had three or four on top of me but held to the tobaco I neve was luckey anough to get any of the ginger
64bread we had
nowknow shelter while I was hear we was hear about 10 days and then they took us to the citty and put us aboard of the cars the rebels told us that we was goin toSavaniaSavannah [Georgia] to be exchange when the rebels was goin to move any of the prisoner they would tell them that they was goin to parole or exchange of us they would not try to get away we left Charleston and started toardSurvanurSavannah we began to think that we would soon be in our lines after we had got a few miles from Charleston the train took another rout and then we know that the rebels had lied to us again and told them so we did not knowwhatwhair65they was goin to take to the next day after we left Charleston two brothers in my car
theymade thair plains to escape we told them that they had not better try it thaire plans was to get as near the dore as the could and then spring by the guard we was in box cars the rebels guardstoitstood at the dors theythallhad the dors open to let in air an the rear car the had about 30 guard but now prisoner so if any one Jump of they would shoot them they had some seats on a platform car those two Brother got to the midle of the car the cars was pack full 65 to each car the train was runnig about 15 mils a hour when those two brother Jump out of the cars one66on each side of the train they was near a culvet one sprang into the culvet the other the [one] fell and before he could get to the culvet the rear of the train
shallgot along the rebels fired a voley and kiled him the train stoped and backed ut to the place one of the rebels in our car Jump of and surtc-hed his pockets he found a good silver watch the other one got sutch a start they could not ketch him I do not know wether he ever got away or not I wish I could rember thair names but It has been so long that I canot the next moning we arived at floraner Station[30] and wastotaken out of the cars we could not see the prison[31] from the deapot for67thair was a pease of woods that we had to go through as soon as we got through the woods we could see the prison pen it was a mile from the
deapodepot we got thairthe first of Novemberthe last of Oct and was put in the prison the prison was in a better place then Andersonvill the brook that run throug-h the prison was larger and better watter the camp was on now grown they had cut off the timber to build the stockade the land on each side of the brook was on a side hill not very steep the dead line was a small ditch about 20 feet from the stockade they had a larg gang of68rigroes [Negroes] to work building raised platforms for thair artilry they was built up as high as the Stockade theyhad of those raised forts oneat each corner of the camp so they had comple-te comand of the camp thair was about ten thous-and prisoner in thair when I arived thair the camp was larger then andersonvill we was not crouded for
X__________________________________________________ [marking inserted in original text]
room I did not have any blanket nor any of my regt we went at work to get a place to set up hous keeping all the utensel I had to comence keeping house with was a quart cup and I was better off then some of them for they did not have that how
6969would you like to keep house with one quart cup and nothing to cook in it our ration was some difance frrom what we had in Andersonvill corn meal & rice and abut two table spunfull of molasses or Sogum poor stuff it wont fit to make vnigar with I did not have but one cup so I had to draw all of my ration to gether corn meal rice and molasses to gether and cook them the best I could but the quality was so small that it did not make mutch difance for what ever we drew it had to be cook together sometimes we would get a small piece of meat it was so
7069small that we use to slip it into our mouth to keep from loosing it for some of it was alive and had to watch clost to keep it from runing away a good fat mgot was about the poor kind of meat that I ever eat after they was cooked thair did not seem to be
andany thing left but thair hides you may think this is a tuff story to tell but it was a fact for if we took the magots out of the meat we would not have mutch left you never new a prisoner to throw away any thing that could be eating. a few days after we got to
forance the first tuesday in Nov. came our Presadental eliction[32] the rebels[PAGES 71 and 72 MISSING]
73on the ground and try to fight away death but few ever lived to get out of prison I have seen men with thair leges drawn up to thair bodies with rheumatism how they sufferd had to lay on the wet groun-d night and day with out shelter or blanket I had been sick so long with the cronic diarrhea and scurvey that I had become so week that I could not stand on my feet but a short time I had to lay on the ground with out shelter or blanket ever since I had been a prisoner those that did not have any blanket would lay clost to gether to keep from frizzi-ng it was very wet and raney most of the time I was thair one moning the rebels sentt word that our Government
74had sent us sum clothing and told us to come to the gait and they would give them out as far as they would go I went to the gait but I could not get any the rebels said they had given out all thair was we soon found out that they used them thair self all the clothes I had was a blouse and pants a pair ove old shoes and cap the blouse sleaves was wore off to the elboes and my pants was all in rags that was all I had to keep me warm the next day I herd that the rebels was goin to give out a few blankets I got to the gait as soon as I could and was luckey for once I got a blancket I never felt so rich in my life as I did with that blancket I went back
75to my other comads and spred it over as many us could get under it some of the boys purswade-d the rebels to let them go out and get some lumber to build a shid for the sick in a short time they had one large anough for four or five hundred of the sick
aurour boys split out the shingle tocovercover it with and they had to fasten them on with pols and pins they would lay a cors of Shing-l the shingle was about 5 or 6 feet long and then fast-en themand theon with poles and pines they made a roof that did not leak but little so as soon as it was don they came through camp and told those that was sick to go to the hospitial76I went and was taken in how glad I was to get under cover once more the hospial was soon full we had to lay on the groun-d with out any thing under us those that had a blanket would spred it over as many as culd get under it usual 4 would get under
itone blanket you may think that was croweding pretty clost but you must rember that we had scrunk up one half by this time so you see that we did not want but a small place to lay in and the closer we layed the warmer we would be once a day the doctor[33] would come through theandhospial and give the men some medican I got some quin-nine[34] once in a while for the chiles I use to take all the medican I could get I had every kind of disease that77was in the hospitial so that I cold get all kinds of medicia-n for it was so small a dose that all the kinds they had would not make but little diffence I grew week so fast that I could not get on my feet with out help the chronic diarrohao and scurver had got sutch a hold of me and the rheumatism that I began to think my time was short on earth but I never give up but what I should get home and that was all that saved me and hundred of others one night
theone died that lay beside of me I new when he died but had to lay beside of him till moning in the moning they came to take him out when they took his blanket of our him his whole78close was in mothing [motion] with lice they open his close and thair was one salard mass of lice they had drawn the last drop of blood out of him any one that negleted to
kill taketake of his close and kill then of they [lice] would eat them up one day while in the hospitial I herd a man taken on as thoe he was in great distrece I made some inquiry who it was and they sead it was one of the prisoner that had tried to get away and had him tied up by his thumbs the rebels would bring your hands behind you and tye your thumbs together and then put the chord over a limb of a tree and draw you up so you could Justtouthtutch the ground with79your
feettoes and leave you to suffer for half a day the suffing was turible I herd the man begging the rebels to shote him to end his suffing they have cap [kept] them hung up till some have died I wishthethe officer that orderd the man tied up had been oblige to take his place to endure the same suffing the rebels tried every means in thair power to make our men suffer I believe thair is a day comi-ng when those rebels have got to answer for the suffing that our men past through in those pri-son all I can say is that god will have murcy on thair souls the 30-th of November th nurse came80through the hospitial and told all the sick ones that the rebels was goin to parole a thousand prisoners and told those that was able to walk to go to the other end of the hostitial and sign the prole papers I was so week that I could not get onto my feet I ask the nerse to help me unto my feet he did and went with me to the officer and sign the parole the rebels said they would not take any one that could not walk to the deapot the deapot was a mile from the prison I did not knowe howe I was goin to get thair but I was bound to try or die in the atimpe thair was four of my company living at that time three of them
81got thair names on the roll one was sick in the hospitial with me his name was Josh-es Clark[35] and the other was Edwin W. Southworth[36] Southwourth came to the hospitial that moning to see me I told him that the rebels had parold me he found out that the rebels had not got quite anough to make out the thousand he made belive that he was so lame that he could hardly go and gat his name on the parole he told me he would help me to the deapot the rebels told us that they would take us out at four oclock in the after noon when the hour had arived to be taken out thair seem to be a new life in me every nerve
82seem to take new life in me I got up and walked to the gait and answerd to my name when it was cald as soon as they had got a hundred they would let them out of prison and took them a short distant from the prisoner to wait till they was all out as fast as we gat out they would give us some bread It was made from flour but it was so sour that you could hardley eat it after the prisooners was all out thay took us a short distant tored the deapot and left us in a corn field and it began to rain hard we said [stayed] thair for some time the men was so week that they could not go but a few roads to time [rods at a time] before
83they would have to rest my strength began to give out I would fall down and could not get up with out help I would tell my old legs that I had not got quite through with them yet that they had got to get me to the deapot with out fail. my feet and legs up to my neck was dead as to any feeling in them I could not tell by thair feeling when I stept on the ground we was from six oclock at night till two oclock in the moning get to the deapot you can see how week we was thair was a namber died that night on thair way to the deapot when
wewe got to the cars I could not get into the cars with out help they put us into84box cars as many as could sit down to gether thair was not room to lay down if we could have layed down we could have got some rest they got us all loaded into the cars by day light and the train started we bid Florance good by for ever when our train got to the first station out
offrom Florance we met a larg train of our prisoner goin torid Floranc-er the trains stoped a few moments and I sawWNelson W Wist[37] on the train he ask me whair we was goin we told him we had been paroled and was goin toSurnanah [Savannah] West said the rebels told them that they was goin to be paroled I told him
85he was goin the rong way and that they was goin direct to Florance prison and so it proved they went to Florance prison West has told me since that he tried to get a chance to Jump on to our train when our train started we left Florane the first day of Dec 1864 and arived in Savanah the second day about midnight the rebels run the train on to a side track and took us out of the cars and took a short distance and left us in on a small
placepice of land near the river the wind blue hard and it was so cold that it did seem as though we should freeze to death if it had not been for the blancket I had I should have froze to death thair was a number that did freeze86to death that night the rebels might Just a well left us in the cars till moning but they wanted to get rid of as many as they could that night the rebels gave us some hard tack[38] they give 8 x [or] 9 hard tacks a peace it was the first time the rebels were was Jenerast [generous] with thair ration we had more then we could eat for once I could not eat more than 3 or 4 of mine my teeth want [weren’t] use to eating mutch hard bread we had been living on faith most of the time for five month and it was hard to break over our habit men had been use to small ration so long that it was hard to form new habits that night while we was at the deapot train after train loded
87with rebels was passing through the citty we ask them whair they was goin they said they was goin to meet Shur-man army[39] and was goin to give them a licking we told them that they would be the ones that would get the licking and so it proved Shurmans army was with in two miles of the railroad when we past over it I have always been glad that we got past our army that night before they struck the railroad for the reason that the rebels as soon as it was day light
theytook us to the boat they had three small boats the flag of truce was waved Jeff Davis and one was Genl. lee and the was Genl. Beaugard[40] before we left the wharff a lot88riguoin [Negro] women came to the boat to sell pyes and some small cakes one of the boys bought a pie and gave the nigrorn women fifty dollars in con-fredic money and told her the keep the change for he did not need it any more that was the only
purticepie that was sold the boats left the citty as soon as they got loaded aftor we had got 4 or 5 miles from the citty the the boat that I was on struck some on the bottom of the boat with sutch force that it it nearly stoped the boat the rebels said it was some timber sunk in the river to keep our gun boats from geting to the citty only lights draft boats could pass over it nine mils down the river we came in sight of our gun boats89as soon as
wegot so we could see the old flag the boys began to chear the rebels tryed to stop them but it was now use when we past the gun boats the boys threw up thair caps into the air and cheared men that could not stand on thair feet with out help before got up and cheared it seem toitrenued our strength the rebels told our men if they did not stop thair nois they would take us back to prison we told them they could not do it and pointed them to the gun boat we had past and told them that our gun boats would not let them we soon reached our flag of truce boat and as we came up along of our boat it was one of our largest ocean Steamers they had to have a larder [ladder] ten or twelve feet long to get on to our boat some could not90climb up and they had to be help I tried my best
tobut could not get up they had to help me after they had got us all onto the boat they took those that could take care of them selves and put them on to another boat that stand beside the receing boat I stayed on the hospitial boat as soon as they got them all seperated they had every man take of his close and threw them over board did welicklaff to see those gray backs go into the river it seem that I could almost feel them runing up and down mynowback now then they gave the boys some soap and watter to wash them self and those that had not stren-gth to wash them selves the nerses would wash them as fast as they got washed they would give them a new91suit of close and as soon as they got drest they took them into another room and give them somthing to eat I was so week that I had to lay down in a bunck the nurse brot me a cup of coffe and two sody crackers and a small piece of meat when I had tasted of that coffe Friends I cannot tell it it now [no] use to try to tell of the Joy and the happinness that filled my sole I shal never forget that time and how good the coffe and crackers and meat tasted I do not never exspect to ever tast any food that tasted so good as that did on the boat friends did you ever cry for Joy if you have then you can reailise my feeling
for theit was the first time since I had been taken prisoner that I shed any tears itseemwas the happest time92I ever saw or ever expect to see as soon as the nurse could he help me to an dress and got to bed for month I had laye-d on the ground with out shelt-er or blankets thair can never be but one greater change then the one that I had Just past through and that is from this life to life eturnal in crist Jueses as I layed my weare hed down on a pillow once more the tears would run down my cheaks and I was not the only one on that boat that Shed tears of Joy the officer and nurses did every thing that they could to make us comfably that night we started for Annapolis MY[41] [Maryland] I did not get up till the second day after we left Suannah and then I drest my self and tried to get up on deck I was trying to
93crall up the stars one of the nurses came along and put his arm around me and ran up the stars with me and sat me down in a chair he said that he could cary two up those staris to once I looked around to see if I could see any land thair was not any in sight that was the only time I was ever out of sight of land I looked around as long as I wanted to and then went back to my bed and did not dress my self again till we got to Annapolis as soon as the boat got to Annap-olis we was taken to the hospitia-l and had us take off our close and wash us again and then they gave us another suit of close as soon as we got cleaned up the laydes came
94of the sanctary commison[42] came in to the hospial and brought paper and envelop for the boys to write to thair homes and those that was not ablee to write they rote letters for them to thair friends I was so week that I could not sit up and they rote to my wife that I had Just arived at Annapolis and would be home as soon as I was able to travel thair was one
longman in my ward that was wounded before he was taken prisoner in the knee the gangreen had got in and had eat all the flesh away from the knee so that it left the knee bown bair six inches above and belowe the knee they sent a dispach to his father & mother that thair son had arived at Annap-olis they lived in Pennsvany they both got thair the next95day they don every thing they could to stop the gangreen but the mortipatian[43] sit in and he lived only 4 or 5 days while his father was thair he sent out into the vilage and got a barber to com in and shave & cut our hair we had not been shave or had our hair cut while we was in prison thair was one in our ward that had curly hair he had a very curley head of hair the barber could not get his shears through his hair his hair was woven together so solord by lice that he had to cut it the same yould [you would] a sheap comence on his forard and turn it back and cut clost to his hed and when he got it off his hair held solid together the barber sed that it was as hevey
96as a coming [common] fleece of wool it was the only way that we could get rid of the gray backs was to cut our hair clost to our heads when I was being washed one of the Dr. came into the ward he sed I was the first living sketlen that he ever saw stand on his feet I wayed 185 lbs. when I was taken prisoner and when I came out
wayedI weighed 90 lbs. I had the chronic diaorrhea so bad that I could not eat only the litest food the Dr. use to give me eight ounces of whiskey and a half pint of brandey a day[44] to keep up my strength in a few days the pay master came thair and payed us two months pay and our raiton money 25[45] a day while in prison thair was one in our ward as soon as he got his money sead he97was goin to have all he wanted to eat for once he went to the suttler tent and bough-tt twelve small mince pies the pies was about as large as a comon saucer he set down and eat the twelve pies and he thought he did not have quite anough and bought another and while he was eating the thirteen pie he died and it was so with a great maney they was almost crazzey for some thing to eat and if they could get it they would eat to mutch I was so low that I could not eat mutch and I believe-d that is what saved my life after I had been thair two weeks I asked the Dr for a furlow to go home for every one was in tittle to 30 days furlow as soon as they was able to stand
98the Journey the Dr sed I was not able I would die on the road I told him I had no nothin [notion] of dying yet and that I was goin home he told me that I should go as soon as I was able the Dr use to give me eight ounces of whiskey and half pint of branday a day to keep up my strength I told the dorctor if I could get home I thought I should gain faster after I had been thair three weeks the Dr told me if I thought I could stand the gourney he would let me go home I told him I new that I could he said I had so mutch grit he would let me go so he made ouit a fourlow for me and one other in my ward by the name of Sergt Charles E Merrill[46] and that night the [they] caried us to the boat we went from
99annanapolis to Baltmore [Maryland] on the boat and took the cars the next moning we got to New york we took a omsbuss[47] to go to the New inghand [England] rooms whair all the soldier stoped when thay was passi-ng through new york every one could have his meels & loging free thair was a stranger in the ombuss when we got in as soon as we got in he took out som money and handed it to the driver I did not know he had paid the driver and took out some money to pay our fair he told us that he had paid our fair we thanked him he said he new as soon as we stepted into the ombuss that we was paroled prisoners and ask us several quuestion about our prison life after we had got to the new england
100rooms they gave us a good warm meal after our diner we ask a porice man that stayed in the rooms whair we could get our transpation renewed he told us it was four miles from thair and sayed if we would givee us [him] our furlows he would send and get our transpation for us so we could stay whair it was warm he sed we would nead all oof our strength to get home how glad we was and they gave us a bed to lay down and rest we got our transpation and 8 oclock that after noon we took the train for spring-field Mass soon after we left N.Y. a Gentlman in the cars came to us and ask us if we had Just came out of prison we told him we had he took a seat next to us and ask us all about
101our prison life and what we sufferd in the prison he ask us if we had any stiments[48] we told him we did not have any for we was not able to go out and get some he open his velise and took out a pint bottle of whiskey and handed it to us and told us to take some and keep it for we should need it to keep up our strength to get home we got to springfield that night about tin oclock when we got out of the cars he told us he would take us to a hotsel whair we could stay for the night for we could not get any father that night we had got to wait till eight oclock the nest moning we went
102to the hollell [hotel] with him we went up to the disk and bocked [booked] our names he ask the clerk how mutch our super and breakfast and loging woul-d be he took out his walet and paid the clerk what a difarance thair was to be among frindes then thair was among our eminys every one tried to help us after super we went into the bar room every one and the bar room was full would come to us and shake hands with us and sed they was glad that we had got out of prison they keep us answer-ing questing till midnight before we got a chance to go to bed the next moning after briskfast
103they carid us to the depot the train was to leave at 8 oclock but on acount of a hevey snow storm we did not leave till most noon while we was waiting in the depot a Geltiman came to us and ask us how far we had got to go we told him he said we did not look as we was able to travle so far and wanted to know if we had any one to help us along we told him we
told himhad not any one we had come from annaplios and we thought we could go the rest of the way he wanted to know if we had any stimilents we told him we had not for we had use up all of the stimelts we had104with us he went out and got some whiskey and told us to use it to take some every little while and then he took us by our hands and bid us good by and sed he hope we would soon be with our friends we left Springfield about noon the rail road was so block that we did not get to Barnet {Vermont] till 11 oclock at night Sergt Merril lived in newport Vt I hated to get out and leave him along for he had to go on crutches he had ben wounded in his foot Just before he was taken prisoner and it had not heald up he was not so reduce in flesh as I was
105for he had never had the cronic diaurohaua and scurv-ey but the gangreen had got into his foot and he lost all of his toes I bid him good by and got out at barnet I did not exspect to get home that night it was so cold if I went home that night I had got to go on the stage to Peacham 7 miles the themomter stood 26 below Zerow I told the stage driver I wanted him to cary me to the hotell for I did not dair to go to Peacham that night for I would freeze to death he told me he thought he could mak-e me cumpable [comfortable] I was the only one to go up he had
106a coverd stage and had a lot of buffow[49] I got in and layed down on the botton of the stage with a cople of buffows under me and three or four spred over me and soon went to sleep and step [slept] all of the way to Peacham we got to Peacham about 1 oclock in the moning my father lived about a lite [mile] from the holtoll[50] the stage driver keep the hotell and I sayed with him till moning for my folks did not know that I was coming so soon in the moning I went into the post office and the office was full and thair was not one that would
107have kown me if they had not herd that I had got home they all sed I was the poors person that they ever saw Jhon Morse[51] one of my company lived at Peacham hollow whair my folks lived he herd that I was at the post office at Peacham Corner we [He] took his teem and came up and got me and caried me home when I got to fathers they saw me get out of the sligh to come in to the house I had two sisters at home they told mother that a old codger was coming in I raped at the dore mother came to the dore I spoke to her she saw it was a soldier and sed
108can it be you Mark I told her it was all that was left of me she could not speek to me for some time after I got into the house she said it did not seem posible that I was the same boy that went to the war I told her not to feel so bad for I was in hops to look better soon my wife lived with her father folks while I was in the war the lived in the East part of the town two miles from my father folks in the after noon Mr. Morse took his teem and caried me to my wife fathers when I went into the house father Clark said how like the divel you look Mark [this was written vertically on the right-hand side of the page]
109Mark my wife was away to one of the nabors when I got home they sent for her she come home she felt so bad when she saw me that she could [not speak] speat she could not hardley bele-ive I was the same man I do not think I should be alive to day if it had not beenfor the cair that I had after I got home they sent for the Dr. as soon as they could they all thought I could not live but a short time I told them that I was not goin to die now that I had got home the Doctor thought I was a hard looking custormy he sed he would try and
110see what he could do for me in a few days I began to gain and when my furlow was out I was able to go to Montipielr hostital[52] and stayed thair till the war closed after nearly 25 years since I was taken prisoner as I atempt to rite out this short history of my life I have indend to rite it Just as I saw it I have rote it from memory for I have not any memrance [memoranda] to refur to I anlis-ted the 12 of November 1861 in Co. D. 1 st regt. Vt.-Cav. and was discharged July 25 1865 up to June 29 1864[53] I had been in over 60 battles my regt. was in 73 battles
111“I have in my posession the Caledoninan that is printed by Cell. Stone & Co. St. Johnsbury Vt dated Dec. 30 1864 that gives the acount of the time that I come home and I will write it Just as is riten in the paper....”[54]
Endnotes:
[1] Spiking artillery, literally driving large spikes through the center, destroyed the unit and made it unfit for use.[2] Freed slaves, also known as contraband, followed Union forces as the regiments traveled. On the Wilson Raid, approximately 1,000 slaves were liberated.
[3] Breastwork (later referred to as “breastmarks” in text): A temporary, quickly constructed field trench made of earth and wood designed to protect defenders from enemy fire.
[4] Salisbury Prison in Salisbury, NC: It was the only Confederate prison in the state, established in 1861. Site consisted of 16 acres, a three-story cotton factory building, six brick tenements. The prison was within city limits.
[5] Surface refers to the ground that had holes dug into the earth for shelter which was common in stockades that had no shelter or buildings.
[6] Columbia, SC: The prison here was Richland District Jail, a three-story building in the heart of Columbia.
[7] Captain Henry “Heinrich” Wirz: Commander of Andersonville from March 1864 to May 1865. Born in Switzerland, he was banished in the 1840s and moved to America. He enlisted in the Confederate Louisiana Infantry in 1861 and was promoted to commander of prisons in Richmond and Tuscaloosa, AL before being assigned to Andersonville.
[8] Dead Line: A fence built inside the stockade, about 19 feet from the stockade walls which prisoners were forbidden to cross or they would be shot on the spot.
[9] Relieved themselves
[10] Wheeler’s uncle: Newcomb Martin of Peacham, VT. of the Vermont 11 th Regt. Co. A. Enlisted on Aug. 8, 1862, mustered in on Sept. 1, 1862; promoted to corporal on Oct. 29, 1864; taken prisoner on June 23, 1864; died at Andersonville on Nov. 2, 1864. (Roster of Vermont Volunteers, Civil War, 1861-66)
[11] Trial of Raiders: There was a large gang, numbering 400 to 500 who preyed on new prisoners, stealing, terrorizing and killing them in the night. Tensions escalated and a majority of prisoners appealed to the prison authorities. At the end of June 1864, Brig. Gen. John Winder of Andersonville Prison authorized a prisoner-based police force and court to capture and prosecute the offenders. Six ring leaders, all ex-convicts who had been released from prison to fight in the war, were caught and tried. They were executed on the gallows built by prisoners July 11, 1864.
[12] Black league refers to the Raiders; Wheeler called them black as in evil not race.
[13] Police force: The prisoner police force was known as the “Regulators” in charge of keeping order and doling out justice and punishments.
[14] Buck and gag: A common form of military punishment which placed a soldier on the ground with his hands and feet bound, knees drawn up between the arms and a rod insert under the knees and over the arms.
[15] Cat o’ nine tails: A whip made of nine knotted cords attached to a handle used for flogging.
[16] Drain off. Wheeler refers to the land not having an incline so water could drain down. They were at the bottom of a valley.
[17] Jefferson Davis: Davis was the president of the Confederate States, elected in 1861 when the South seceded from the Union. He raised the Confederate armies and appointed Gen. Robert E. Lee as commander of the Army of Virginia. On May 10, 1865, federal troops captured him at Irwinville, GA. He was imprisoned from 1865 to 1867 and then the federal government dropped the case against him in 1868.
[18] Grape and canister: A Civil War artillery ammunition that resembled a coffee can full of layers of grapeshot, small iron balls, packed in sawdust. The canisters were fired from a cannon and were effective at close range.
[19] Kilpatrick: Union Brig. Gen. Judson Kilpatrick was known as “Kill Calvary” for his aggressiveness and fearlessness.
After the second Battle of Bull Run in 1862, he was a successful leader of raids. In 1864, Kilpatrick was in Gen. William Sherman’s March to the Sea campaign.[20] Ninety prisoners was the quota each Confederate sergeant was responsible for.
[21] Greenbacks: In 1861, the U.S. was in great need of money so the Treasury Department issued “paper money” that was nicknamed “greenbacks.”
[22] Sutler tents were run by civilian merchants who sold supplies to soldiers. They usually set up their sutler tents near battlefields and prisons.
[23] Grayback is the term for body lice but Union soldiers also referred to Confederate soldiers as “Graybacks” because of their gray uniforms.
[24] Wheeler uses the play on words “great slaughter of graybacks” in reference to the Confederate soldiers and their war game exercise of killing lice was a small way to get back at the Rebels.
[25] Rod: A measure of 16.5 feet
[26] Capt. Wirz was arrested and on trial for two months. He was the only defendant in the first war crimes trial in American history. Northern outrage over the Confederate prison issue demanded a scapegoat after the war ended. Wirz was found guilty Oct. 24, 1865 and hung Nov. 10, 1865 at the Old Capitol Prison in Washington.
[27] Githman battery: A Civil War battery was artillery that had six cannons with over 100 men. Union batteries were larger than the Confederates’ which had only 4 cannons. Githman may have been the commander in charge of that particular unit.
[28] Picket: A boat on sentinel duty.
[29] Flat boat: A rectangular boat with a flat bottom and square ends used to transport freight and passengers.
[30] Florence Station at Florence, SC where three railroads converged in town.
[31] Florence Prison: Florence Prison Stockade was built to absorb Andersonville and other Georgia prisoners when Gen. William Sherman was closing in on Atlanta. It was open for five months, Sept. 1864 to Feb. 1865, and was similar to the Andersonville design and terrible conditions. It was on 23.5 acres and held 18,000 prisoners. Also note that the Union prisoners were told they were being exchanged, were actually just moved to another prison at this time.
[32] Presidential Election: Democrat George McClellan ran against President Abraham Lincoln. Lincoln won the election Nov. 8, 1864.
[33] Doctor: The Florence Prison did have doctors and set up a hospital shed for prisoners.
[34] Quinine: A common medicine used as a fever reducer, pain killer and anti-inflammatory drug. It was the first effective treatment for malaria.
[35] Joshes Clark: Actually Joseph O. Clark, of Barnet, VT. VT 1 st Regt. Cavalry, Co. D. Enlisted Sept. 30, 1861, mustered in on Nov. 19, 1861. Re-enlisted on Dec. 31, 1863; promoted to corporal, do. Co. Q. M.-Sergt., Dec. 1, 1864, taken prisoner May 24, 1862, paroled Sept. 13, 1862, again June 1, 1864, paroled Nov. 20, 1864, died April 1865 of disease. (Roster of Vermont Volunteers, Civil War, 1861-66)
[36] Edwin W. Southworth of Concord, VT. VT 1 st Regt. Calvary, Co. D. Enlisted Oct. 28, 1861, mustered in on Nov. 19, 1861. Re-enlisted on Dec. 30, 1863, promoted corporal, Sergt. Dec. 1, 1864, taken prisoner April 1, 1863, paroled April 7, 1863; again June 29, 1864, paroled Nov. 30, 1864; transferred to Co. C, June 21, 1865, mustered out Aug. 9, 1865. (Roster of Vermont Volunteers, Civil War, 1861-66)
[37] Nelson W. West: Actually William Nelson West of Cabot, VT. VT 4 th Regt. Co. H, listed under “Corporals”. Enlisted on Sept. 7, 1861, mustered in Sept. 21, 1861. Re-enlisted Dec. 15, 1863, promoted sergeant, taken prisoner June 23, 1864. Paroled March 4, 1865; transferred to Co. C Feb. 25, 1865. Mustered out July 17, 1865. Wheeler recounts meeting West on his way to freedom as West is headed to yet another prison and wasn’t paroled until March 1865. (Roster of Vermont Volunteers, Civil War, 1861-66)
Interesting Peacham Connection: West and a Peacham soldier, Horace E. Rowe were in Andersonville Prison together. Rowe’s health deteriorated quickly and he was so weak he could barely stand. One thousand prisoners were counted off one night for an exchange the next morning. Seventeen chosen ones died overnight so the Rebel soldiers chose the closest prisoners to fill the quota. West was the last man chosen. While the chosen prisoners were lined up, West pushed Rowe into his place in line and told him “Say your name’s West and keep going, I can stand it much longer than you can.” Rowe did as told and paroled out of Andersonville. He eventually was put on a boat for New York. He once was mistaken for a dead man but he did live to make it North. The story goes that he crawled up the lane to his mother’s house and she thought it was an animal at first then recognized her son. When he went into the army, he weighed 217 lbs. and came out 90 lbs. As for West, he stayed in Andersonville another five months before being paroled in March 1865. He reunited with Rowe in Peacham and they were closer than brothers after that, and people called them “David and Jonathan.” (supplied by Anna Lang, in Peacham Historical Society files)
Horace E. Rowe was of the VT 4 th Regt. Co. H. Enlisted Sept. 1861, mustered in Sept. 1861, taken prisoner June 23, 1864, paroled Nov. 24, 1864, mustered out March 1865. (Roster of Vermont Volunteers, Civil War, 1861-66)
[38] Hardtack: A common soldier food, hardtack is a thick cracker made of flour, water and salt. It was eaten alone or crumbled into coffee or soup.
[39] Sherman’s army: Gen. William Tecumseh Sherman (1820-1891) was one of America’s greatest Army officers, who lead the Union Army in numerous successful battles all through the Civil War.
[40] Wheeler names the three Confederate boats: Jefferson Davis, the General Lee and the General Beauregard.
[41] Annapolis, MD: More specifically Camp Parole which was a way station established in 1862 for paroled soldiers and exchanged prisoners from New England and Mid-Atlantic states. The camp encompassed 250 acres with 83 buildings and a 168-bed hospital. Camp Parole was closed July 1865.
[42] Sanitary Commission: U.S. Sanitary Commission stemmed from wealthy New York men and women and the Women’s Central Association of Relief joining forces to gather clothing, blankets and monetary donations for the Union troops. In June 1861, President Lincoln made the U.S. Sanitary Commission an official agency responsible for educating the army about proper sanitation techniques to reduce spread of disease as well as a supplying unit. It was disbanded in 1866.
[43] Mortification: A stage of living tissue cells dying and becoming gangrenous from infection or loss of blood supply.
[44] Stimulants: The use of alcohol, such as whisky and brandy, was common practice to give patients nutrients and calories since they could not eat regular portions of food after being malnourished for months and years. The alcohol provided a liquid diet the patients could handle until their stomachs were accustomed to solid food. It also was used as a sedative form.
[45] Soldiers’ Pay: Union privates were paid approximately $16 per month during military service. Soldiers were supposed to be paid every two months in the field but more realistically they got paid at four-month intervals.
[46] Sgt. Charles E. Merrill of Newport, Vt., VT 11 th Regt. Co. L Heavy Artillery, listed under “Sergeants”. Listed residence as Georgeville, C.E.[Quebec], Enlisted May 11, 1863, mustered in June 27, 1863; taken prisoner on June 23, 1864, paroled on Nov. 20, 1864, mustered out on May 13, 1865. (Roster of Vermont Volunteers, Civil War, 1861-66)
[47] Omnibus: a horse-drawn bus, similar to taxis, in the cities.
[48] It was common civilian knowledge that recuperating soldiers had to keep their energy up and the stimulants in the form of alcohol were consumed to do that.
[49] Buffalo skins. During winter months, drivers and passengers of carriages, sleighs and covered stages used buffalo skins to cover and keep warm.
[50] Hotel: The hotel was located in Peacham Corner where the present Peacham Library stands.
[51] John F. Morse of Peacham, VT 1st Regt. Calvary Co. D. Enlisted Nov. 12, 1861, mustered in Nov. 19, 1861, mustered out Nov. 18, 1864 (no reason given). That would explain why he was home in Peacham by the end of December when Wheeler reached Peacham. (Roster of Vermont Volunteers, Civil War, 1861-66)
[52] Montpelier Hospital: During the Civil War, Montpelier was the home of the Sloan U.S. Army General Hospital for injured soldiers. It was the second largest Union Army hospital in Vermont which operated from June 1864 to October 1865. It was located on the site of the Vermont College (which later merged with Norwich University) on College Street and consisted of 24 buildings and number of satellite structures.
[53] June 29, 1864 was the date Wheeler and others in his company were captured by the Rebel forces at Stony Creek, Va.
[54] Mark Wheeler copied the article from the “Caledonian Record” issue of Dec. 30, 1864 but the pages over time have disintegrated and are hard to read.
Transcribed by Michelle Arnosky Sherburne, 2009, for the Peacham Historical Association.
Copyright Peacham Historical Association. Reproduced courtesy of the Peacham Historical Association.